By Nidal Al Haj Sleiman
Disclaimer: The names of interviewees in this blog have been changed to protect their identities.
This blog presents the outcomes of a recent study that examined school leadership in the Kurdistan Region in Iraq (KRI). The study took place in five schools and analysed senior leaders’ perspectives and practices of social justice education by drawing on John Smyth scholarship of socially just and socially critical leadership (1989; 2012). The blog discusses the valuable lessons learned from leaders in Iraq using their local discourse and concepts that are inherently different from mainstream scholarship on social justice educational leadership. In addition, the blog addresses the limited range of research on educational leadership and management in conflict and post-conflict contexts.
The knowledge gap
Education research in conflict and post-conflict societies is largely driven by a development perspective and focuses on promoting access, crisis response or countering violence (Gallagher et al., 2018). While these approaches are important, they do not address historical and socio-economic factors affecting education in conflict or the role of education and educational leaders in mobilising for social justice. Leadership of education in conflict and post-conflict contexts has been widely understudied despite massive evidence confirming the impact of leadership on student learning, teaching, organisational and social development. The absence or marginalisation of critical, emancipatory and socially just approaches in educational leadership in these societies—where they are mostly needed—raises valid questions about the ethics and politics of knowledge production in the field.
A review of literature shows that the study of equitable and socially just education and the role of leaders in this direction has not been an area of focus in the Middle East, particularly in the Levant and Iraq. Studies of educational leadership in the region are generally driven by functionalist, depoliticised and dehistoricised perspectives and largely focus on school improvement within neoliberal reform frameworks. The study of educational leadership in Iraq is largely reduced to the investigation of leadership models or confines the role of leaders into administrative and managerialist areas in the context of temporal liberal and neoliberal reforms (Abdolmaleki & Ghanbari, 2021; Ali et al., 2021; Wahab, 2017, 2019; Koran & Koran, 2017). Delinking social and educational inequalities and social injustices from the work of leadership and schools is deeply problematic, and so is centering the ethnic and religious tension as the sole barrier to social injustice. Such approaches mask the massive rift between the wealthier classes where schools are highly resourced and supported and the wider population where schools and their communities are disadvantaged. It is this latter group of schools and their leaders that are the focus of this blog.
KRI: history, conflict and the current state
KRI is a semi-autonomous part of northern Iraq that has been subject to multiple forms of conflict associated with historic marginalisation of the political identity of its indigenous people, the Kurds (Leezenberg, 2023), Turkmen, Yazidis, Assyrians, Chaldeans (Kildanis) and others (Dogan et al., 2017; Hanoosh, 2016). Over the last few decades, the region endured ethnic and political tensions and multiple and systematic attacks by the Iraqi Ba’athist regime, as well as a civil war in the early 1990s. With the collapse of the Ba’ath regime in 2003 and the outburst of political and sectarian conflict afterward, many Iraqis were displaced to KRI, which seemed to be a more secure destination at the time. In addition, the region was in proximity with the violent activities of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) between 2014 and 2017, which led to another round of displacement of people from the surrounding areas. Influx of the internally displace populations and Syrian refugees significantly altered the demographics of the KRI, constituting up to 30% of the entity’ population between 2013 and 2017 (Palani et al., 2021, p. 2274).
Over the past three decades, the KRI has established state-like institutions within Iraq, including an independent education system. Since its inception in 1991, education has been a central pillar of its state-building efforts. The relative stability of the region after 2003 enabled the government to develop educational reforms policies, structures and services, including mechanisms of overseeing and evaluating schools (Vernez et al., 2016, Shanks, 2013). The number and variety of schools increased, which significantly improved access and the quality of services. Currently, the region hosts several international schools, more than 492 local private schools, and about 6, 758 public schools (ARKnews, 2022).
The schooling system has increasingly reflected the socio-economic divide between the wealthy elite, including expatriates, and the less advantaged groups, who predominantly attend public schools and comprise the majority of the population (Hassun, 2022; Wahab, 2017). Despite the heightened interest in studying educational reform in the KRI, particularly in light of the growing complexity of schools and the diversity of the populations they serve, there remains a significant gap in the literature regarding the role of school leaders in this context.
The role of leaders in disadvantaged schools
This research engaged with a critical analysis of dominant—and mostly imported western—notions of leadership in the context of KRI local schools, mainly Smyth’s scholarship on socially just leadership (Smyth, 2012; Smyth, 1989; Smyth et al., 2014). Nonetheless, the study aimed to explore and document leaders’ perspective of social justice in relation to their students and communities. Smyth’s work engages with the notions of socially critical and educative leadership that centers students’ lives and futures. This lens positions leadership at the heart of communities and focuses on their role in promoting access, inclusivity, equitable practice, relationships with the school community, and advocacy for students’ lives and learning. The focus on social justice in this research aims to trespass the hegemonic discourse of reform and compliance that has been widely spread in most of the leadership research in the Middle East, and particularly in Iraq. This discourse reduces students who are economically, socially and culturally disadvantaged to a “subhuman class” whose conditions are widely normalised (Smyth, 2012, p. 11). In other words, it conceals issues of student disadvantage under the guise of opportunistic access and reduces leaders’ work to a set of administrative duties that solely aim to conform with policy.
Leading for equity and social justice: The local perspective
Due to the literature gap discussed earlier, it is vital to explore ideological and theoretical foundations of educational leadership in the current post-conflict context of Iraq. It is not only important to understand the role of leaders in leading education in this context, but also how they contribute to advancing social justice and peace building based on their local knowledge and experience. Leading for equity and social justice is well developed in western academic contexts (Theoharis, 2007; Weng, 2014; Lopez, 2016; Fraise & Brooks, 2015). However, it is yet to be sufficiently examined in contexts of conflict. Theorising leadership for social justice in Iraq (and similar contexts) should be rooted in the local cultural values and epistemologies and the historical-social experiences of people as well as the political and economic questions underpinning these experiences. Historically, people of the region have always been known for taking pride in being freedom fighters, resisting oppression, and maintaining deep recognition for kinship and social ties (Besifki, 1996; Azeez, 2017). Consequently, school leaders are expected to model these attributes, advocate for these ideas and protect their schools, students and communities. Leadership in this sense, does not only represent the heroic figures of individual leaders, but is strongly connected to an interwoven set of values and embodied professional identities that are shared across schools and educational communities.
The moment they step into the school gate, they are safe and no one can harm them. I am here to protect my students. (Maria, Principal)
Our community is now a minority [Kildo-Assyrians]. Thousands of our people have migrated or been displaced over the years. Teaching our students and presenrving our language and heritage is our priority. However, we also reinforce values of peaceful co-existence and learning the local languages (Kurdish and Arabic) because we want our students to interact with their fellow Iraqis. (Matta, Principal)
Leadership in schools goes beyond individuals; it occurs through shared processes and mechanisms of leading that take place at different levels. Therefore, while much research has been conducted with individual leaders in Iraq, further work needs to focus on the process, agency and the concerted actions of a group of individuals that collectively generate influence, rather than those of the few or the solo leaders. Given the local government efforts of developing educational outcomes and catching up with international benchmarks, there is a need to learn about leadership strategies and practices setting education back on track in schools. Leaders follow government guidance and enact policies, but they also develop mechanisms and processes that drive schools forward, support teachers and enhance pedagogical practice, and most importantly support their students. When leadership leads within and beyond policy to address issues of disadvantage and inequalities, it clearly stems from a stance for social justice (Smyth, 1989). While school leaders in Iraq do not generally use the terms social justice education that is common across the western world, they articulate their concerns for the wellbeing of their students in different ways that deeply stem from their culture and local contexts.
Our people in this region have gone through dififcult experiences. For the last few months, wages have been withheld, not only for those working in schools but across the government sector, so both parents and teachers are affected. However, we don’t let our schools collapse. It is our duty to work and support each other to keep the school running. (Soran, Principal)
Internationally, leading for equity and social justice has been theorised as an approach that supports all students and ensures access and inclusion regardless of socio-economic, ethnic or religious background (Smyth, 2012; Khalifa et al., 2015). On the contrary, public and private local schools in KRI are broadly categorised into ethnoreligious communities—with limited exceptions (Wahab, 2017). Therefore, leaders’ notions of equitable practice in schools generally fall within the boundaries of educational and social support, care, trauma healing and improving learning outcomes, in addition to cherishing and protecting local identities. Trauma, as described by school leaders, can be paralleled with a sense of mistrust that results in self-censoring to avoid critique of specific policy frameworks. As leaders are keen to promote and model commitment to social cohesion and peace building, self-censoring is commonly practiced as a form of social safeguarding.
I’d rather have a teacher suppress a conversation than elaborate. Conversations about the past trigger traumas, and we are not ready to deal with this. Sometimes justice is about thinking of the future rather than addressing the cause of grief because it will not be helpful. How would this help my students? (Taven, Principal)
I wish we could speak about the different idenitities or injustices to our students, but this is not allowed here. There is a sense of fear when discussing sensitive topics. (Aras, Principal)
Lessons learned from local school leaders in KRI
Student-centredness and pedagogies of care
Socially just school leadership incorporates “cultivating an atmosphere of care around relationships” (Smyth, 2012, p. 15), teaching, teacher and student learning, and the curriculum. It centres the needs and identities of students and families and promotes respect and acknowledgement of home narratives and histories (Khalifa et al., 2015). Leaders are pedagogically engaged and community oriented (Freire, 1972). They view the community as a valuable resource, know its strengths and challenges, and work towards creating an environment of trust rather than fear and boundaries (Smyth, 2012). Moreover, they are sensitive to the community’s past experiences of fear and grief, and mindful of current and potential disadvantages. Pedagogies that centre the ethics of care are driven by a deep sense of connection, love and response to student and community needs (hooks, 1994; Green et al., 2021; Kolarić & Taczyńska, 2022). Care is a key part of leadership values and practice in Iraq. Both teachers and leaders are socialised into embodying a pedagogy of care and recognition.
We teach and manage our school through care, love and compassion. We treat our students like our own children. We set expectations firmly but also show tenderness [Hinniya]. (Soran, Principal)
While they “teach the same curriculum as all other schools”, leaders and teachers “find ways to ensure the curriculum is meaningful to students and responds to their needs” (Matta, Principal). Leaders view their responsibility to student learning as a duty to adapt the learning environment and their teaching to meet student needs instead of changing student actions and ways of learning to fit with the parameters of curriculum and teaching policy (Al Haj Sleiman, 2024). Leaders’ pedagogies of care and student-centeredness are represented in their commitment to prioritising their student learning and well-being despite restrictions, barriers and shortage of resources. Additionally, some leaders have the courage to bend regulations—without breaking them—to remove barriers and enhance student engagement in the classroom, even if it meant hours of negotiating curriculum content or prescribed curriculum plans.
Political issues are left to politicians. However, when it comes to school-related policies, we [principals] engage in negotiations with different parties until we get to positive outcomes. As a principal, I don’t break the laws but also don’t give up on my school interests. I make sure laws are respected while attending to other considerations, particularly trying to keep my students enrolled in the school despite multiple social and economic challenges. (Maria, Principal)
Sometimes we bend some regulations to cater for staff and teachers’ needs even if it means not going by the book. We do this to show appreciation and retain our teachers who are working despite difficult socio-economic conditions, including delayed wages. (Matta, Principal)
Agency and advocacy
Giddens (1984) defined agency as any human action that makes a difference to a social result. This action can be individual, collective or structural, which applies to the role of school leaders as their individual work aims to transform their schools. Education in KRI’s public schooling sector is fully managed by the Ministry of Education while private schools are partially managed, with strict protocols and expectations. Despite these aspects of centralisation, the findings showed that leaders perceive themselves as agents rather than mere followers of instructions. Leaders are mostly concerned with capturing the core of policy and “re-working it in the interests of their students and communities” (Smyth, 2012, p. 13). They constantly “negotiate decisions, seek advice from leaders of other schools in their district and engage with local and non-local actors to ensure their students and communities’ best interests are protected” (Soran, Principal). Although some leaders are covertly critical to policies and ministerial decisions, their actions to support their students strongly demonstrate advocacy and courage. Most leaders described their work as apolitical and avoided any reference to current political symbols, however, their work and advocacy for their students and their lives are deeply political. They perceive their role as an unnegotiable tenet of support and care for students rather than a role through which they fix deficits or improve knowledge and conduct. Alternatively, they focus on securing the resources that make this mission possible even if this means significant confrontations. In this sense, it can be argued that leaders transform their schools into spaces of activism.
I have a good relationship with my students. They come to my office and speak to me about their problems. But my support is not enough when the school is underresourced and undermaintained. The building is used for two different schools (morning and afternoon shifts) with no cleaning staff, no technology and limited teaching resources. I dedicate significant time and effort to negotiate for limited resources but this is not always possible. Despite everything, we keep doing our best because there is nowhere else for these students to go. If not the school, then it’s the street. (Maria, Principal)
Fostering social cohesion and hope
Tension, fear and mistrust in Iraq— particularly in KRI—is rooted in the collective memory of grief and pain resulting from wars and internal conflicts. Therefore, promoting and nurturing norms and values of coexistence and social cohesion is commonly referred to in schools. These norms are reinforced in the textbooks, on the walls, in students’ artwork and posters. Leaders pride themselves in fostering this culture further throughout the multiple dimensions of their practice. Public and local private schools are largely separated across striking socio-economic divide as well as ethnic and religious lines. This categorisation is viewed as a mechanism of preserving and respecting the historical identities of these groups, and as means to offer relevant education and language programs. Nonetheless, these policies could also imply a hegemonic historical and socio-cultural narrative offered by the official textbooks and a strict immersion in isolationist (narrow nationalist) language education, which can be problematic. However, leaders seemed to be generally aware of the importance of multi-lingual and intercultural learning. Their interviews included many references to cross-ethnic and cross-religious social ties, coexistence, and the development of long-term relationships of respect and appreciation.
We have Mandaeis, Yasidis, Armenians, Christian Syrians, Muslim Syrians and Iraqis from Baghdad or other areas; some are new comers while others have been in the region for more than a decade. They speak and learn different languages and study their own religion. We speak to them everyday about unity and cohesion. We explain that this diversity does not contradict with peace and coexistence. (Maria, Public School Principal)
This leadership stance represents conscious awareness (Giddens, 1990) of the importance of countering the intense historical rupture amongst neighbours and local communities. This awareness is driven by a “moral responsibility” (Smyth, 2012, p. 14) and comes at the cost of no less than challenging or resisting curriculum and language teaching policies in many instances amidst a highly centralised and controlled system. The stance of Iraqi leaders amidst complex and apprehensive context incorporates a unique perspective of socially just leadership that is not common in scholarship produced elsewhere or in the professional norms practised by school leaders in different contexts.
This region has had difficult hisotries. We have students from different cultures and religious backgrounds who speak different languages at home. The divisive narrative is something they hear at home. We understand the perspectives of a Kurd towards an Arab, or the perspective of an Arab towards a European, but we cannot allow engagement with these conversations at school. We only speak about peace and social cohesion, as well as fun. Just fun and activities. (Aras, Principal)
Conclusion
This blog summarises the findings of four case studies examining leaders’ perspectives and practices of social justice education in KRI. The findings present a localised perspective of socially just leadership in a post-conflict society, which could have implications to similar contexts, particularly in the Middle East. Leaders’ understanding and practice of social justice education in Iraq is rooted in the local context and cultural values and shaped by the historical events and experiences of Iraqi people. Leaders explain their work using a unique social and cultural discourse that can be deeply informative to the study of education and leadership in conflict and post-conflict societies. Further research on different aspects of leadership is recommended to understand how it can trespass challenges and create means of advocacy for their students and communities amidst a historically and politically complex environment.
Any opinions expressed in this, or any other blog post on this website, are solely those of the author and do not represent the views of the Education, Peace and Politics organisation.
Image by syriary91 from Pixabay
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